[A number of years ago, I wrote an article in which I tried to briefly state the essence of what I learned concerning authority in the Church from the writings of the French Dominican, Fr. Yves Congar, while doing my doctoral dissertation on that topic.I never did much with it.What follows, in parts, is that article.]
Historical evolution of a juridical understanding of ecclesial authority
Congar returns frequently to the period of the Gregorian Reform of the eleventh century as deceive in the evolution of the Church’s ecclesiological self-articulation.He is absolutely
convinced that the reform begun by St. Leo IX (1049-54) and continued with such vigour by St. Gregory VII (1073-81) represents a decisive turning-point from the point of view of ecclesiological doctrines in general and of the notion of authority in particular (Yves Congar, “The Historical Development of Authority in the Church: Points for Christian Reflection,” in Problems of Authority, ed. John M. Todd, 119-56, Baltimore: The Helicon Press, 1962, 136).
The crisis faced in the Gregorian Reform was that of, primarily, the problems surrounding lay investiture; that is, ecclesiastical offices being conferred by secular rulers which often involved the demand for payment from the one being invested (simony) and implied allegiance to the secular ruler.
That this was indeed a crisis that desperately needed redress can be dramatically illustrated by the case of Henry IV, the German king who, in 1075, Gregory VII had forcefully forbidden to continue his practice of appointing high-ranking ecclesiastical offices.Yet, Henry continued on after as before, making appointments not only in distinctly German lands, but on the very doorstep of the pope, appointing bishops to the sees of Spoleto and Fermo in the very year of Gregory’s decree to cease the investitures.Most dramatically, Henry appointed, in this same period, two different men for the Archdiocese of Milan. This brought to three the claimants to the position, the pope himself having made his own appointment (Walter Ullman, A Short History of the Papacy in the Middle Ages, 2nd ed, London: Routledge, 2003, 154).Clearly, this was a problem.
In addressing itself to the problem of lay investiture, however, there was a decisive turn in the way the Church came to conceive of its authority.Through the gathering of various juridical texts from papal and conciliar statements into an ordered compendium—and thus the birth of canon law—all of which favored the maximum degree of papal authority, the Church “was led to adopt very much the same attitudes as the temporal power itself, to conceive of itself as a society, as a power, when in reality it was a communion, with ministers and servants” (Yves Congar, Fifty Years of Catholic Theology: Conversations with Yves Congar, ed. Bernard Lauret, trans. John Bowden, Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1988, 42).
This, of course, was not entirely new as Congar himself points out, and as already alluded to, in regards the matter of the Donation of Constantine.Congar says of this document that it is
one of the most harmful pieces of forgery known to history (and not merely to the history of Rome).It was a weapon…which betrayed the very cause of Rome, since by argument ad hominem, the Donatio in seeking to check an Emperor, presents the dignity of Peter and his successors and the privileges attached to that position as emanating from the political power of an Emperor and not from the Apostolic institution (Yves Congar, After Nine Hundred Years, New York:Fordham University Press, 1959, 15).
To be underscored here is the tendency for the Church’s hierarchical authority to establish its rights, its own proper authority on the bases of a secularly granted jurisdiction rather than on the particular nature of authority as is entrusted to it by Christ and witnessed to in the apostolic testimony.
Congar insists that it is precisely this tendency of the Church’s hierarchical authority, in view of “the need to shake off the tutelage, if not the domination, of the temporal power,” that came to dominate the entire medieval period of the Church (Yves Congar, Power and Poverty in the Church, trans. Jennifer Nicholson, Baltimore: Helicon Press, 1964, 105).As a matter of fact, Congar would insist that, “The whole medieval period is full of struggles between the priesthood and the empire—or the priesthood and the monarchies” (Congar, Fifty Year, 24).Clearly, such a struggle could not help but leave a deep, characteristic mark on the Church’s understanding and practice of authority.
This effort found within the Gregorian Reform to establish the independence of the Church from secular rule was not limited, however, to the simple gathering of juridical texts.There was a certain promotion of what Congar refers to as the mystique of authority.In this regard, Congar claims that the
effectiveness of his [Gregory VII’s] action results from his inspiration of a radical programme of reform of the structures and legal status of ecclesial life, by means of a simple, fervent and intransigent mysticism of the sovereignty of God, of which papal authority was the reflection and instrument (Yves Congar, “Renewal of the Spirit and Reform of the Institution,” trans. John Griffiths, in Ongoing Reform of the Church, ed. Alois Muller and Norbert Greinacher, 39-49, New York: Herder and Herder, 1972, 43).
This ‘mystique’ of authority served as a powerful vision for the link between God and the pope, which strengthened the papal claim to universal authority over the Church.Significantly, connected to this ‘mystical’ vision of authority was the tendency to exalt “obedience as the virtue of the good Catholic” (Yves Congar, Laity, Church and World, trans. Donald Attwater, Baltimore: Helicon Press, 1960, 32).
Congar identifies another central movement within the life of the Church that is of great significance; that is, the various movements of critique against these growing claims of authority.These are the various anti-ecclesiastical movements—such as the Cathars, the Petrobusians, and the Lollards—beginning from the twelfth century, which rose up against this encroaching legalism within the Church.“Although these movements are very different from each other,” they do share a fundamental orientation (Yves Congar, The Word and the Spirit, trans. David Smith, San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1986, 48).
Their common denominator indeed consists in protesting against an excessive development of clerical authority and an absolutization of its legal or formal reality, in the name of certain requirements of an evangelical content and of a truly spiritual end (Yves Congar, Ministères et communion ecclésiale, Paris :Cerf, 1971, 83).
These movements continued in various forms right up to the eve of the Reformation. The fact that these movements, or initiatives, have often, in Congar’s mind, been minimized by the hierarchy in their significance and the ability they possess to affect the life of the Church significantly contributed to the climate that led to the success of the Reformation (Congar, The Word and the Spirit, 48).
From crisis to crisis, from abortive reform to abortive reform on the part of the Church, from cultural advance to cultural advance, from demand for independence to demand for independence on the part of laity and sovereigns—and eventually the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century was reached (Congar, Laity, Church and World, 53).
By denying the place of the Church and its mediatorial role in the relationship between God and persons, and placing all criterion of truth on the object of Scripture, the Reformers were led to “the necessity of placing in the personal, or even individual, religious subject, all the elements of this spiritual relationship.” The denial of a “hierarchic priestly title and a hierarchic teaching authority” led the reformers to their strong insistence on “the priesthood of each and every one and the personal interpretation of Scripture under the interior and personal influence of the Holy Spirit” (Congar, Tradition and Traditions, 142).
Though the Council of Trent was able to hold in balance the authority of the Church and Sacred Scripture, the period of the Catholic Counter-Reformation nonetheless witnessed an increasing emphasis on the Church’s hierarchical authority (Congar, Tradition and Traditions, 157). The Catholic response, then, to the Reformation’s denial of hierarchical authority and its mediating role—a response that dominated its pastoral and theological efforts into the twentieth century—was to reassert its authority, emphasizing “the aspects of the hierarchy” and ending “up seeing the Church as practically nothing more than a society in which some commanded and the rest obeyed” (Congar, Power and Poverty, 109).This trend was only furthered in the climate of “the absolutist and centralistic ideas which characterized monarchical power in the sixteenth century” and which resurfaced again in the nineteenth century “with the haunting memory” of the French Revolution (Congar, “Renewal of the Spirit and Reform of the Institution,” 42).
The reduction of the Church to its structural aspects is witnessed to most forcefully in the classic definition of the Church of Robert Bellarmine.
The one and true Church is the community of men brought together by the profession of the same Christian faith and conjoined in the communion of the same sacraments, under the government of the legitimate pastors and especially the one vicar of Christ on earth, the Roman pontiff (Robert Bellarmine, De controversiis, tom. 2, liber 3, De ecclesia militante. cap. 2, “De definitione Ecclesiae,” Vol. 2, Naples: Giuliano, 1857, 75; trans. and quoted by Avery Dulles in Models of the Church, expanded ed., New York: Doubleday, 2002, 8).
What is to be noted here is that the Church is defined exclusively by external acts:profession of faith, participation in sacramental rites, and, most decisively, submission to the hierarchical authority of the Roman Church.The absence within the definition of the need for a living, interiorly assimilated faith lived in charity is striking.Indeed, Bellarmine goes on to say that in belonging to the true Church “no interior virtue is required, but only exterior profession of faith and communion in the sacraments, things accessible to our senses” (Ibid).Clearly, the Church is here reduced to its external structure and, in the context of the antagonism toward Protestants, “the influence of Bellarmine was immense and lasting, felt up to the First Vatican Council” precisely in this direction of emphasis on the exterior elements of the Church to the neglect of its interior life (Congar, L’Église : de saint Augustin à l’époque moderne, 374).
It is worthy of note that this same tendency can be seen, as the German theologian Hermann Pottmeyer points out, during the course of the nineteenth century when the Church adopts the language of sovereignty in relation to papal authority by way of analogy with the claims being put forth in the course of the development of the modern nation states (See chapter four of Hermann J. Pottmeyer, Towards a Papacy in Communion:Perspectives from Vatican Councils I & II, trans. Matthew J. O’Connell, New York:Crossroads, 1998).